The longest-serving premiership in Israel’s history helmed by Benjamin Netanyahu, the Zionist war criminal responsible for genocide against the Palestinian people is now on the verge of a definitive end.
This follows the formal decision by Israel’s President, Isaac Herzog, to task Gadi Eisenkot with forming a new government, granting the statutory 28-day window following his receipt of backing from 67 parliamentary recommendations.
Although coalition negotiations remain unresolved and securing recommendations does not automatically yield a stable administration within Israel’s fractured political arena current indicators strongly suggest that Netanyahu will soon be excised from executive power.
From a strategic Jordanian standpoint, this political shift must not be met with misplaced optimism regarding Eisenkot, nor should observers simplify the transition as a mere movement from a far-right administration to a marginally less extreme one. The wiser course is to treat any incoming cabinet as an opportunity to recalibrate Amman’s diplomatic and political instruments, shaping proactive postures grounded in defending the historical rights of the Palestinian people and safeguarding Jordan’s vital national interests.
To achieve these ends, Jordanian diplomacy should concentrate upon three core strategic priorities:
– Gaza and the Post-War Settlement: Little evidence suggests that Eisenkot harbours a different vision for Gaza from Netanyahu’s. Both predicate approaches upon the demilitarisation of Hamas, and both reject an independent Palestinian state. Strategic divergences arise primarily in how the war is conducted and in calculations of diplomatic cost, not in ultimate strategic objectives. Consequently, the Jordanian position remains steadfast, demanding a permanent ceasefire, the unrestricted opening of border crossings, unhindered delivery of aid, comprehensive reconstruction plans, absolute rejection of forced displacement in all guises, and explicit commitments ensuring Palestinians govern the Gaza Strip.
– Israeli Escalation in the West Bank: While Eisenkot has maintained a firmer stance than Netanyahu against settler violence, opposition to the settlement enterprise as a whole remains absent in principle, alongside continued rejection of Palestinian statehood. Subtle nuances, therefore, must not provoke overestimations regarding potential policy shifts. We should establish early strategic postures toward a prospective Eisenkot administration should one be formed based on unequivocally repudiating annexation, settlement, land confiscation, and settler violence, while actively resisting attempts to alter the existing historical and legal status quo in Jerusalem. Amman must move beyond verbal warnings to coordinated Jordanian, Arab, and international diplomatic strategies to stop violations on the ground.
– Reconfigurations in Israel’s Parliamentary Power Dynamics: The acquisition of 19 Knesset seats by Arab-led parliamentary lists represents a significant political development and should not be dismissed as a passing detail. These factions formally recommended Eisenkot, providing crucial weight in reaching the 67-recommendation threshold. Yet, endorsement implies no inclusion; Eisenkot, echoing Netanyahu, has explicitly ruled out forming a coalition reliant upon Arab parties. Striking paradoxes emerge here: the votes of Arabs in Israel can help unseat a government without necessarily opening the door to institutional participation in decision-making, yet they retain real leverage over it. This requires us to keep channels open with moderate forces inside Israel, including Arab Knesset factions, in the coming phase.
Eisenkot is by no means an ideal partner, but his government constitutes the lesser evil beside the Zionist criminal Netanyahu.
Amid the complexities across the Israeli and regional landscapes, political pragmatism demands preparing for the upcoming stages without illusion.
The crucial question is not whether Eisenkot is superior to Netanyahu, but how to leverage transition moments to advance the Palestinian cause, protect Jordanian national security, and consolidate unified Arab stances.
Ultimately, the metrics for Palestinians, Jordanians, and the broader Arab world remain unchanged: the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to live within an independent and sovereign state. That standard binds any future Israeli government, regardless of its leadership, and is the standard by which the international community must in turn be held to account.
